Let’s suppose that the Bush Administration is serious about disarming Iraq, that everything we are going through now really is about removing Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD’s) and not about Saddam himself. If the Left is going to effectively fight the war option, it is of some importance that we present a viable alternative.
As an architect, when I am faced with a difficult design problem, I start looking at solutions we have used previously when faced with a similar problem. That’s not to say that I would necessarily use that solution since there is a better than even chance that the problem was not solved in a satisfactory, let alone, excellent way. What it does do is to help me understand the problem and to start generating possible good solutions. It is also unlikely that in my search for previous solutions that I will find an exact match to my problem. I must decide which are the critical aspects of the problem and find a problem that at least contains many of these same aspects.
Well what is the problem with Iraq? Throughout the 1980’s the Iraqi government undertook a huge procurement program aimed at acquiring nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons. They obviously were successful in procuring the chemical weapons; they used mustard gas against Iran at Hoor-ul-Huzwaize in 1984. There were numerous other instances of chemical weapon use—in direct violation of the 1925 Geneva Protocols—through out the Iran-Iraq war. On 16 March 1988 Iraqi warplanes appeared over the horizon at Halabja. Afterwards, according to Le Monde Diplomatic:
The scene that greeted them in the morning defied description. The streets were strewn with corpses. People had been killed instantaneously by chemicals in the midst of the ordinary acts of everyday life. Babies still sucked their mothers' breasts. Children held their parents' hands, frozen to the spot like a still from a motion picture. In the space of a few hours 5,000 people had died. The 3,200 who no longer had families were buried in a mass grave.
As for biological and nuclear, it is know in the late eighties that the United States sent anthrax samples to Iraq and that there was a very ambitious nuclear program at work.
After the 1991 Gulf War the United Nations Security Council passed a number of resolutions calling on the Iraqis to rid itself of all WMD’s. Saddam Hussein, it is safe to assume, has pretty much ignored these resolutions, obviously following the examples of Israel, who are currently in violation of 31 UNSC resolutions; Turkey, in violation of 22; and Morocco, in violation of 17. For a complete list of the many countries currently in violation of UNSC resolutions, click here
In early 2002, the United States started to push for strict enforcement of these outstanding UNSC resolutions and has threatened war if they are not abided by.
Considering the premise of this posting, I think then problem is pretty clear. How do you get Iraq do voluntarily disarm itself of its WMD’s. The word “voluntarily” is important because it implies a peaceful solution. I will leave it to the military planners to figure out how it is done involuntarily.
If we start looking for a previous example of this problem many people would start with the 1991 Persian Gulf War. There do seem to be some similarities; a president named Bush, a villain named Saddam, shaky public support, talk of the use of chemical weapons, a faltering economy and so on. However, to choose this conflict would be to completely misunderstand the nature of the crisis. The 1991 Gulf War was about evicting an invading army that was immorally and illegally, against the wishes of the vast majority of the international community, occupying another state’s territory. This aforementioned territory also just happened to be sitting on top of a whole lot of oil. This doesn’t match our problem at all.
We need to concentrate on disarmament and I can think of two recent cases that have some similarities to our problem. The first is the case of Ukraine and Kazakhstan, who voluntarily gave up the nuclear weapons they inherited after the fall of the Soviet Union. There are clear problems with this one right from the start. These were two newly independent countries where the former colonial ruler, the USSR, had deployed these weapons which were of no strategic use to these countries. In fact they were more of a problem that anything else. Iraq has over the decades actively procured and used its WMD’s. They are a vital part of the Iraqi security mentality, they are hardly going to just say, “never mind” and give them up.
The other possible model is the on-going peace process involving the decommissioning of weapons by the Provisional Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland. Again there are problems. One major difference is the fact that we are talking about conventional weapons in Ireland and WMD’s in Iraq. Another difference is that the Provisional IRA is not a government but a paramilitary organization. In terms of similarities, the IRA has spent years acquiring these weapons, they have often used them to devastating effect, and they see the weapons as vital for their survival. To me these latter qualities are more important than the former. It seems to me that the basic characteristics of the problem are there, we can restate it as--how do we get a politico-military entity to voluntarily disarm itself of weapons it feels are fundamental to its survival?
Looking back on the Good Friday Agreements and the Northern Ireland peace process, there were two elements that finally pushed the IRA to begin decommissioning their weapons, trust and pressure. Without going through the whole history of the Troubles, it was unthinkable that the Republicans would start to disarm before there were assurances of their continued survival and, even more importantly, future prosperity. There had to be a reasonable, disarmed, future to look forward to before decommissioning could begin. On the other hand, people do not make life-threatening choices without some pressure being put on them and the Provisional IRA certainly came under its share of pressure from the Unionists, the Irish and British governments and especially the people of Belfast who wanted something more than the constant heartbreak of the Troubles. From the beginning, everyone understood that this would be a long-term, muddy process with many ups and downs, lots of twists and turns, few dramatic victories, and many bitter setbacks. It doesn’t sound very appealing unless we consider the alternative, a point Tony Blair has made many times.
If we compare this to our current problem in Iraq, we are certainly seeing the pressure build up. I can’t say that much trust is being generated however. There is a serious lack of any incentive for Iraq to disarm. George Bush has made this seem like a personal feud between himself and the Iraqi dictator, with only the latter’s removal likely to satisfy the former. Clearly, if this really is the case, then war is unavoidable.
The premise of this posting is however, that it’s all about the WMD’s. Therefore, Saddam Hussein needs some carrots to go along with the 150,000 sticks currently sitting out in the Gulf. He needs to be assured that if he really does verifiably disarm, he will not, as a result, be attacked. He needs to be told if he does come into compliance with UNSC resolutions that the sanctions really will be lifted. He needs to be told that as soon as the sanctions are lifted that he will then come under intense diplomatic pressure to improve his abysmal human rights record.
How would we know that he has verifiably disarmed? Good question, lets look to Northern Ireland for a possible answer. How will we ever know if the IRA has disarmed? The answer is obvious, we’ll never know. What we do know is that they have put a number of their weapons beyond use, in front of international observers, but it will always be impossible to say that they have completely disarmed. The fact that they have stopped using their weapons and have begun to decommission is accepted as the best of many possible less than satisfying results. With UN inspectors in place, most of his weapons will eventually be found but we will never be sure if we have found them all.
Why accept such an unsatisfying result when we can just invade and wipe out all his stockpiles of WMD’s? This seems to be what the Administration is saying. Think about it. It is widely accepted that Iraq has failed to come anywhere close to building an atomic devise. Chemical weapons are widely available throughout the world, terrorists have a ready supply of these should they choose to use them. Taking out Saddam will not change this fact.
Biological weapons are, however, extremely dangerous and not so commonly available. They are also rather small. Iraq’s entire stock of biological agents could probably fit into a large suitcase. After decades of plundering oil revenues, Saddam Hussein and his family are extremely wealthy. A day or two before the war started, what would stop Saddam and his family from taking a caravan of Land Rovers across the desert to a southern Syrian military airfield and on to Karachi and then on to God knows which third world country where Saddam’s net worth would triple the local GNP. From there he could easily launch revenge attacks with his suitcase full of vials. There would be little to no chance of reprisals. If Osama did it surely Saddam can too.
But how can we deal with such a man, how could we trust him? In fact, Saddam has never attacked the United States or Great Britain. The IRA carried out a massive bombing campaign killing hundreds throughout the British Isles. I was amazed at the level of hatred for the IRA among average people when I first started working in London a few years ago. Once at a pub after work, we were having one of out usual heated discussions and the topic of the IRA came up. For a laugh I began defending them, and my friend’s wife Carol went absolutely ballistic on me. The next day I asked another friend about it and he somewhat coldly informed me that in the future I might be a little more discreet with my opinions in front of Carol since her father, who was a policeman, had been killed by an IRA bomb fifteen years earlier.
The people of Britain have been able to overcome this hatred and to start a healing process. There is nowhere near the same level of personal hatred for Saddam Hussein in America or Britain.
In fact Saddam is at this moment contained. Some may say anything short of war is appeasement. It’s a word that, along with its partner for all eternity, Neville Chamberlain, is being thrown around a lot these days. Appeasement is making a deal in which your strategic situation is weakened in the hope that your opponent will be satisfied into not making further demands. Chamberlain gave up the mountainous regions of Czechoslovakia, which could have been easily defended, to Hitler for a promise of no more territorial gains. The next natural barrier was the Ural Mountains, on the other side of Moscow. Imposing a decommissioning program on Saddam gives him no strategic advantage. If some time in the future evidence is produced to show he really is an extreme danger, military action would then still be possible. With UN inspectors running around his country it is not likely he will start any nuclear programs anytime soon.
On Iraq, Tony Blair sounds a lot more like Ian Paisley on Northern Ireland than Tony Blair on Northern Ireland. He has been very eloquent on the needs to keep the Good Friday peace accords alive despite the setbacks. He needs to examine his conscience and ask himself if an Iraqi civilian is really worth that much less than an Irish one.
George Bush needs to do what he does best, delegate. The Iraqi dossier is definitely one for the European diplomats. A serious peace effort needs to be launched in the Persian Gulf, one roughly based on the Northern Irish peace process. The inspectors on the ground are a good first step. More steps need to follow. The threat of force is a necessary ingredient for the time being, but it should be slowly withdrawn as progress is made. It will be a difficult process for all parties to swallow. It will be muddy. It will not be satisfying. What better tribute to the people of Ulster than to use their example, warts and all, to set in motion a solution to an even greater problem.
The 1998 bombing of the County Tyrone town of Omagh killed 29 civilians and outraged the world. In 1991 two bombs punched through the ground and exploded in the Al-Amiriya bomb shelter, killing 408 people, mostly woman and children. Most people in the world have never heard about it. In all between 2500 and 3500 civilians died as a result of the 1991 war. The 2003 version could very well be much bloody. There are perhaps tens of thousand of people in Iraq this very minute—literally living ghosts—who will be obliterated from this earth if the war goes ahead. Who knows, among them may be a future Arab leader who will bring freedom and democracy to his people.
There are 150,000 American soldiers currently in the Gulf. A number of them will not be returning if there is a war. Who knows, maybe there is a future business leader or surgeon among them. More likely still, one of them might have been a really good father to his children back home.
That’s why, where there is an alternative, I would choose the mud of a messy peace process over the blood of war, every time.